Students of the School of Fine Arts ââåalexei Sciusev
Alexey Shchusev | |
---|---|
Born | (1873-10-08)viii October 1873 Chișinău |
Died | 24 May 1949(1949-05-24) (aged 75) Moscow |
Nationality | Russian Empire, Soviet Matrimony |
Alma mater | Imperial Academy of Arts |
Occupation | Builder |
Awards | Stalin Prize 1940, 1946, 1948, 1952 |
Do | Ain practise (1900s–1910s) 2nd Mosproekt Workshop (1932–1937) Akademproekt (1938–1948) |
Alexey Victorovich Shchusev [a] (Russian: Алексе́й Ви́кторович Щу́сев; 8 October [O.Due south. 26 September] 1873 – 24 May 1949) was a Russian and Soviet builder who was successful during 3 sequent epochs of Russian architecture – Art Nouveau (broadly construed), Constructivism, and Stalinist architecture,[2] being one of the few Russian architects to be historic nether both the Romanovs and the communists, becoming the most busy architect in terms of Stalin prizes awarded.[ citation needed ]
In the 1900s, Shchusev established himself every bit a church building architect, and adult his proto-modernist style, which blended Art Nouveau with Russian Revival compages. Immediately earlier and during Globe State of war I he designed and built railway stations for the von Meck family, notably the Kazansky Rail Final in Moscow. After the Oct Revolution, Shchusev pragmatically supported the Bolsheviks, and was rewarded with the contract for the Lenin Mausoleum. He consecutively designed and built iii mausoleums, 2 temporary and one permanent, and supervised the latter's further expansion in the 1940s. In the 1920s and early 1930s he successfully embraced Constructivist architecture, only quickly reverted to historicism when the government accounted modernism inappropriate for the Communist state.
His career proceeded smoothly until September 1937, when, later on a brief public smear entrada, Shchusev lost all his executive positions and design contracts, and was effectively banished from architectural practise. Modernistic Russian historians of art agree that the charges of professional dishonesty, plagiarism, and exploitation raised confronting Shchusev were, for the well-nigh office, justified. In the following years he gradually returned to practice, and restored his public prototype as the patriarch of Stalinist compages. The causes of his downfall and the forces behind his subsequent recovery remain unknown.
Early years [edit]
Alexey Shchusev was built-in in Chișinău (in present-twenty-four hour period Moldova, so part of the Russian Empire), as the fourth of 5 children in the family of a provincial civil administrator.[iii] Both his parents died when Alexey was fifteen years former.[iv] With the help of older siblings and a scholarship from the Chișinău city council, Alexey and his younger brother Pavel (1880–1957) graduated from the local gymnasium and connected their educations at the university level.[v] [b] Pavel, like Alexey, would become an builder and a bridge engineer; he would collaborate with Alexey on bridge projects in Moscow and be the custodian of Alexey's artwork and archive after his death.[6]
In 1891, Alexey left Chișinău and enrolled at the Imperial University of Arts in Saint Petersburg.[7] [eight] In his first years at the University, Shchusev attended both compages and painting classes. In 1894, he joined the course of Leon Benois and concentrated on architecture.[9] [x] At virtually the aforementioned time, 1893 or 1894, he designed and built his first tangible project on a private manor in Bessarabia. In 1895, he took his beginning study tour of Primal Asia, with professor Nikolay Veselovsky.[11] In the same twelvemonth, Shchusev designed and built a crypt chapel in Russo-Byzantine style at the Alexander Nevsky Lavra.[12] Afterwards, according to Shchusev himself, he browsed through the obituaries in a paper, and was making common cold calls to the families of the deceased. A family unit member accepted his offer, and Shchusev (still an undergraduate student) received his outset commission in St. petersburg.[12] [13]
In 1896, his last yr at the Imperial University, Shchusev studied old Northern Russian architecture in Kostroma, Rostov, and Yaroslavl;[14] and the European architecture of Romania and Republic of austria-Republic of hungary.[fifteen] The next year, he graduated from the academy with the right to a state-sponsored tour of Europe.[12] [16] While the paperwork for the latter was being prepared, he traveled to Chișinău to ally his fiancée, Maria Karchevskaya.[11] [17] He spent the winter of 1897–1898 in Samarkand, with Veselovsky, studying and documenting medieval shrines.[11] This exposure to Islamic compages would influence his blueprint of the 1898 orientalist Karchevsky Firm in Chișinău, and subsequently designs for Soviet-era projects built in the Caucasus, Kazakhstan, and Primal Asia.[18] In August 1898, Shchusev and his wife started their sixteen-month G Bout, via Vienna, Trieste, Italy to Tunisia, and then via Italy to Paris, where Shchusev studied for six months at the Académie Julian.[18] [19]
Major architectural projects [edit]
Religious architecture (1900–1918) [edit]
Upon returning to Saint Petersburg, Shchusev tried to prepare an independent exercise, but failed to discover clients.[20] [21] His fortunes changed in 1901–1902, when his pattern for a new iconostasis for the main cathedral of the Kyiv Pechersk Lavra was noticed approvingly by young man architects and the Orthodox clergy.[22] [23] [24] [25] He was appointed every bit a consultant to the Holy Synod, and soon had the chance to aid Mikhail Nesterov with the repairs to the poorly-built church in Abastumani. Nesterov was impressed, and became Shchusev's patron.[26] Shchusev'south contracts with the Kharitonenko
and von Meck families and the charity of Grand Duchess Elisabeth were, to varying degrees, the event of Nesterov's recommendations.[25] In the form of a decade, Shchusev established himself as primarily a church building architect, and chop-chop progressed from historic styles to the creation of his own proto-modernist style, blending Art Nouveau with the Russian Revival tradition.[27] He did not have equally much luck in getting lucrative residential and government contracts; his lay buildings of the period are deficient and, as a whole, are distinctly inferior to his churches.[28] Shchusev's church building murals, influenced by the works of Viktor Vasnetsov and Mikhail Vrubel, did non impress gimmicky observers either.[29] Alexander Blok complained that they were "neither bold, nor religious".[29]In 1904, the Holy Synod entrusted Shchusev with the restoration of the ruined 12th century church
in Ovruch.[30] Shchusev'south controversial five-domed design in the Byzantine mode was much debated past architects and preservationists, just was nevertheless canonical for construction in 1907.[xxx] More debate followed; and in 1908 Shchusev was forced to submit a revised design, with the help of Pyotr Pokryshkin and Leonid Vesnin. From 1908 to 1911, the church was rebuilt, according to the revised design.[xxx] In 1905, Shchusev was commissioned to design the new cathedral at the Pochayiv Lavra.[31] The building, executed in Novgorod-Pskov medieval style, and starkly contrasting with its Ukrainian Bizarre setting, was likewise completed in 1911.[31] Thus Shchusev joined the pocket-sized circumvolve of builders of very large structures during this time.[32]The first edifice to display Shchusev'southward distinct style was the diminutive chapel at the grave of Natalya Shabelskaya
in Squeamish (1904–1907).[23] Although Shchusev clearly alluded to medieval Vladimir-Suzdal architecture, he carefully avoided rote stylization.[23] Instead of only copying his sources, he created his ain complimentary-flowing visual linguistic communication.[23] This approach, common in Fine art Nouveau and in the nascent modernism, was radically different from contemporary revivalist practice.[23] Another personal touch, already present in the Pochayiv Cathedral,[c] is the deliberate asymmetry of Shchusev'south churches.[27] Ane facade of the church building may wait perfectly symmetrical, while the other is distinctly irregular.[27] According to Andrey Ikonnikov , in the kickoff Shchusev simply imitated the irregularities of medieval churches, but soon went beyond what he plant in historical sources and elevated asymmetry and irregularity to an nigh grotesque level.[34]Co-ordinate to Dmitry Chmelnizki
, the all-time example of this style is the Saint Basil Monastery in Ovruch, designed in 1907–1909 and completed in 1910: "the strictly functional floorplan, nearly accented absenteeism of direct borrowings, and the freedom in the handling of class foreshadow Shchusev's constructivist buildings... thoroughly modern, in spite of articulate allusions to Old Russian architecture".[27] According to biographer Kirill Afanasyev , the about visually hit is the small church on the Natalievka manor , conceived every bit a individual museum of Russian icons.[35] The all-time known of Shchusev's churches, and arguably one of the best works of Russian Fine art Nouveau is the cathedral of the Marfo-Mariinsky Convent in Moscow, which Shchusev designed in collaboration with Nesterov in 1908 and completed in 1912.[36] [37] Prior to the outbreak of Earth War I, Shchusev also designed and congenital churches in Bari and Sanremo, in Italy; in Cuhureshti in Moldova; and on the Kulikovo Field in Southern Russia.[38] [39] The last building to exist completed before 1918 was the church of the Brotherhood Cemetery , which was built during the war to administrate final rites to the dying soldiers and was demolished in the 1940s.[xl] [28]The stylistic classification of Shchusev'southward churches in Soviet and Russian literature has been heavily influenced by politics. For almost of the Soviet period, Art Nouveau was despised every bit a corrupt move. Stalin-era critics avoided references to Art Nouveau birthday, presenting Shchusev's work every bit an indigenous, patriotic, and "progressive" art. The official brief biography, written in 1948 for an American audience, omitted church building designs altogether.[41] Belatedly Soviet theory, as outlined past Ikonnikov, placed Shchusev at the evolutionary stop of the Neorussian fashion that emerged around 1880 in the works of Victor Vasnetsov and the Abramtsevo art colony
.[42] The mode, very dissimilar from the "official" Russian Revival, was farther developed by Fyodor Schechtel, who introduced the ideas of Finnish Art Nouveau,[43] and ultimately peaked in the works of Shchusev and Vladimir Pokrovsky .[34] Pokrovsky leaned to a "true" recreation of the medieval spirit, while Shchusev was more responsive to Art Nouveau influences.[44] Co-ordinate to Ikonnikov, Shchusev stood above Pokrovsky, due to a combination of his natural intuitive talent, beginning-hand knowledge of globe compages, and experience in archaeological research.[34] Works by "second-tier" architects such equally Ilya Bondarenko were markedly inferior to those of either Shchusev or Pokrovsky.[44]Railway architecture (1911–1930s) [edit]
In 1911, Shchusev won an invitational contest with his design of the Kazansky rail terminal in Moscow.[45] Work on the proposal continued for at least three more than years; the starting time relatively complete elevations were published in 1913.[45] While the 1911 plans tended toward Shchusev'southward free-flowing church style, the final result was dissimilar.[46] Shchusev decided to interruption the 220 meter long facade into an asymmetric row of visually separate pavilions, and to use Naryshkin Baroque styling.[47] He visited erstwhile towns to study their extant baroque architecture, and used the noesis thus gained in his design for the exterior of the new building.[48] The design for the staggered corner tower borrows from the Söyembikä Tower and the Borovitskaya Tower, and is at the aforementioned time distinctly unique.[49] The clock belfry and the clock itself were influenced by St Mark'southward Clocktower in Venice.[50]
Functionally, the last was compromised by cost cuts.[51] Although Shchusev preferred a two-storey floorplan for easier separation and distribution of passenger flow, the customer insisted on a cheaper single-storey plan.[51] Construction began in 1913 but was interrupted by World War I and the revolutions of 1917. The team of artists and craftsmen, which united almost all of the Mir iskusstva group, fell autonomously; but Shchusev managed to retain the core of his architectural assistants. Painter Eugene Lanceray, one of the few reliable sources on the inner workings of the Shchusev firm, stayed with it until the stop of his life.[51] [52] It took until 1926 to complete and commission the offset part of the terminal;[52] the western facade was finished in 1940. The last role of the original plan
was not built until the 1990s. Shchusev's house also designed next service buildings and the elevated viaduct of the nearby Alekseevskaya railway line that serves equally a motion picture frame for the terminal.[53]In 1914–1916, Shchusev besides designed a serial of station buildings for the new railroad lines in the Upper Volga region.[54] Virtually of the lesser stations followed a standardized design inspired past Petrine and Elizabethan Baroque.[54] The larger stations, in Krasnoufimsk and Sergach, were styled in Elizabethan Baroque and the Russian version of the Empire style, respectively.[54]
Lenin's Mausoleum (1924, 1929–1930, 1940s) [edit]
During the Russian Civil War, Shchusev stayed in Moscow, collaborating with the Bolshevik government on urban planning matters. Past 1921, he had become the informal doyen of Moscow's community of old-school architects, and was elected chairman of their association, the Moscow Architectural Order (MAO).[56] [57] [58] His tangible projects of the early 1920s—the 1922–1923 propylaea on Tverskaya Square, the pavilions of the 1923 All-Russian Exhibition of Agriculture and Domestic Industry, and the two temporary Lenin mausoleums of 1924—were non meant to last, and were demolished past the cease of the decade.[59] [lx]
On the night of 22–23 January 1924, Shchusev was summoned to the Kremlin to receive the most important committee of his life, the design of the Lenin Mausoleum.[61] [62] [d] The reasons for choosing Shchusev remain unknown. Dmitry Chmelnizki speculates that, regardless of Shchusev'due south conservative planning policies, he had already become "the architect closest to the Communist Party elite".[63] The first, temporary, wooden mausoleum was designed overnight and erected in three days, at temperatures reaching -30 °C.[64] [65] Due to a lack of time and resources, Shchusev's original proposal was scaled down to a bare minimum.[66] The resulting makeshift hut was also small for its intended role as a communist shrine; thus in March 1924 Shchusev was commanded to design and build a larger temporary structure that could also part every bit a tribune for the utilize of government officials.[60] The second wooden mausoleum was built in April and opened to visitors in Baronial 1924.[67]
Five years later, the regime decided that the concept "had passed the test of time", and awarded Shchusev a contract to pattern a 3rd, permanent mausoleum.[67] [63] An early proposal by Shchusev and Isidor Frantsuz
was conspicuously asymmetric, with a round tribune at the front end left corner.[68] [69] The government rejected it and instructed the architects to follow the design of the wooden mausoleum.[67] [69] The resulting blueprint, credited to Shchusev, Frantsuz, and interior designer One thousand. Thou. Yakovlev, was built in sixteen months in 1929–1930.[lxx] [69] An urban legend, supported by local historian Alexey Klimenko, asserts that the Mausoleum was designed solely by Frantsuz.[71] Subsequent research reinstated Shchusev to his rightful identify; information technology is, however, true that during the design procedure Shchusev often traveled out of Moscow, leaving Frantsuz equally the de facto lead architect.[68] [71]Typically for Shchusev, the approved design changed many times during structure. Initially, Shchusev wanted to dress the cast-in-place concrete frame[72] in black porphyry, to create an illusion of a perfect monolith.[73] The opportunity was lost when the architects replaced almost of the porphyry with granite.[e] Shchusev created an illusion that the Mausoleum is fabricated of solid granite blocks, when in reality it is primarily concrete covered with sparse granite panels.[73] This third mausoleum, superficially similar to its predecessor, tending with pilasters and fluted panels;[74] while the 2d wooden Mausoleum had leaned to simplified neoclassicism, the third was certainly influenced by the Russian avant-garde.[75] Like Shchusev's churches, the mausoleum is distinctly and deliberately asymmetrical, although the asymmetry escapes the notice of casual observers.[55] [f]
Although the building exterior, and the epitome of Lenin's sarcophagus within, became the symbols of Soviet Moscow, very little is known about the subterranean core of the Mausoleum. As of 2021, its floor plans, structural and vertical layout remain classified.[76] A single 1930 publication revealed that the as-built internal volume of the tertiary Mausoleum encompassed 2,400 cubic metres (85,000 cu ft), suggesting that there already was a spacious underground compound.[76] Further expansion followed in 1939–1946, merely the only visible changes, credited solely to Shchusev, were the redesign of Lenin'south sarcophagus and the regime tribunal.[77] [78]
Constructivist projects (1923–1932) [edit]
Around 1923–1924, Shchusev embraced the rising constructivism move. He supported the new school in public, just never allied himself with constructivism sensu stricto, which comprised a small group engaged in endless rivalries with other advanced factions. Shchusev expressly warned confronting superficial imitations of modernist ideas with inappropriate materials and for inappropriate functions.[79] His first building of the constructivist period, the railway workers' guild
adjacent to the Kazansky terminal, was a transitional design that contravened his own warnings.[52] The exterior decor is a fibroid imitation of Baroque, intended to alloy with the historicist terminal; only the expressive uncluttered floorplan is certainly modernist.[52]In 1925, Shchusev took office in three high-profile architectural competitions: to design the Gosprom in Kharkiv, the Fundamental Telegraph
, and the State Bank in Moscow.[80] All iii of Shchusev's proposals were distinctly constructivist, and all iii lost to other entrants.[eighty] In 1928–29, Shchusev lost another competition, to design the Lenin Library in Moscow.[81] This time, he produced two proposals with most identical floorplans.[81] The starting time proposal featured a symmetrical neoclassical facade, and was rejected as "outdated".[81] The second was strikingly modernist, leaning more to the works of Le Corbusier and Erich Mendelsohn, rather than Russian constructivism.[81] The rival team of Vladimir Shchuko and Vladimir Helfreich went in the reverse direction, from modernism to Art Deco; the latter proposal won the contest.[81] Advanced groups unanimously condemned "stylistic double-dealing" by both Shchusev and Shchuko.[82] Contempt for Shchusev's indiscriminate "omnivoracity" persisted for decades, even making its way into a 1985 Soviet college textbook.[83] Even Nesterov complained that Shchusev was all virtually stylization rather than fashion.[84]Shchusev'due south showtime completed constructivist buildings—a sanatorium in Matsesta and a compact residential building
in Moscow—were conceived in 1927 and built in 1928.[85] The largest of his constructivist designs, the Narkomzem Building in Moscow, was conceived in 1928–1929 and completed in 1933.[86] The true authorship of the building's design, which was probably influenced past the Schocken building in Stuttgart, cannot be resolved.[87] All sources credit its blueprint to Alexander Grinberg and Shchusev.[87] Grinberg stepped aside at an early stage of the project; Shchusev managed the construction personally.[87] Three men of Shchusev's team produced most of the drafts, but only two (Frantsuz and Yakovlev) were credited equally junior co-authors.[87]One of Shchusev's last constructivist building in Moscow, the Military Send Academy, was designed in 1929–1930 and completed in 1934.[88] Co-ordinate to Dmitry Chmelnizki, information technology was "1 of Shchusev'south best works... Truthful modern compages – rational, restrained, serious and finely fatigued".[88] Finally, in 1930 Shchusev designed two constructivist hotel buildings for Intourist.[89] The hotel in Batumi was completed in 1934, the hotel in Baku in 1938.[89] The recently established Intourist was operated by the NKVD, so these hotels were rarely mentioned by Soviet media.[89] It is non possible to trace the beginning of Shchusev'southward collaboration with Lavrentiy Beria to these projects; however, equally the chief of the Transcaucasian communist party arrangement, Beria was, ex officio, Shchusev's directly client.[89]
Early Stalinist flow (1932–1937) [edit]
The architectural competition for the Palace of the Soviets, held in iv stages in 1931–1933, coincided with the sharp turn of Soviet compages from the modernism of the 1920s to the monumental historicism of Stalinist architecture. Shchusev'southward drafts, published in 2001, indicate that he had probably anticipated the stylistic revolution equally early as 1931.[90] His kickoff entry in the competition, though, was thoroughly modernist, reminiscent of Le Corbusier, and fairly small in size.[91] Critics complained that it "did non look like a palace".[91] Shchusev wisely skipped the second, nigh publicized stage of the contest. His entries in the third and the fourth stages were properly neoclassical but uninspiring.[92] Joseph Stalin had already fabricated his choice in favor of Boris Iofan, and was suspicious of Shchusev's motives: "Shchusev's project is the same Cathedral of Christ the Saviour, only without the cross. Maybe, Shchusev hopes to add a cross at a subsequently engagement..."[93] [94]
In 1933, the formerly contained architectural firms of Moscow were nationalized and reorganized into ten state-owned workshops.[95] Shchusev was appointed the head of the 2nd Country Workshop, a fairly big design firm employing dozens of professional person architects and engineers.[95] [96] Some—such as Dmitry Chechulin, Alexey Rukhlyadev
, and the tandem of Leonid Savelyev and Oswald Stapran —were managing their own projection teams.[95] The remaining staff formed Shchusev's personal team, a "firm within a business firm".[96]While the competitions for the Palace of the Soviets were still unfolding, Shchusev was instructed to have over ongoing high-profile Constructivist projects, and to redesign and complete them in "neoclassical style".[97] The first iii victims of Stalinist "improvement" were the giant theatre in Novosibirsk (original design by Alexander Grinberg
, 1928–1931); the Meyerhold Theatre in Moscow (Mikhail Barkhin , Sergey Vakhtangov, and Vsevolod Meyerhold, 1930–1931); and the Moscow Hotel (Leonid Savelyev and Oswald Stapran, 1931).[97]In the case of the Moscow Hotel, Shchusev's takeover was publicly explained as being necessary due to the inexperience of Savelyev and Stapran, who had allegedly made too many blueprint errors and failed to right them.[97] According to Chmelnizki, Savelyev and Stapran were sufficiently competent to complete their original pattern;[97] just, like most graduates of the Vkhutemas, they lacked the classical visual arts education that was a prerequisite to "stylistic improvements".[97] Thus, in April–May 1932 the authorities appointed Shchusev and Bruno Taut as joint project managers.[g] [98] By the finish of the year, Taut dropped out;[99] and Shchusev assumed full responsibility.[100] The first office of the hotel, modified according to Shchusev'due south design, was opened in December 1935.[100] The longer, northwestern facade received positive reviews, but the taller and shorter southwestern facade came in for much criticism due to its proportions and conspicuously asymmetric decor.[101] [102] This time, asymmetry was a forced ad hoc response to the structural weakness of the former Grand Hotel building, which had been incorporated into the new hotel.[102] The theaters in Novosibirsk and Moscow were less fortunate. The former was completed to Shchusev'southward exterior blueprint in 1945, losing Grinberg'south interior innovations in the procedure.[100] The latter was completed to a nondescript design by Dmitry Chechulin in 1940, as Tchaikovsky Hall
.[95]In 1934–1936, Shchusev's workshop proposed a large number of lavish, eclectic, and sometimes utterly improbable buildings for Moscow, foreshadowing the late Stalinist style of the postal service-state of war years.[103] [104] Only one of them
would be built.[103] A theater in Tashkent, designed during the same period, would exist built in the 1940s, in a simplified, scaled-down class.[103] Shchusev fared much meliorate in the Caucasus region.[105] In 1933, he won a competition for the Institute of Marx-Engels-Lenin (IMEL) in Tbilisi.[105] The projection, sponsored and supervised by Beria,[106] was completed in 1938 and instantly became a benchmark of Stalinist architecture.[105] It is distantly reminiscent of the 1913 Hill Auditorium by Albert Kahn, although the connection may be purely casual.[105]Disgrace and recovery (1937–1938) [edit]
On thirty August 1937, at the tiptop of the Groovy Purge, Pravda published an exposé by Savelyev and Stapran accusing Shchusev of plagiarism, dishonesty, "counter-revolutionary mindset", and "harbouring the enemies of the state".[107] [108] [109] [110] Within a week, the smear campaign escalated into a public mobbing.[111] [108] [109] New accusations ranged from "anti-soviet physiognomy" to having had contacts with the executed Mikhail Tukhachevsky, and multiple counts of intentional wrecking.[112] Karo Alabyan, the leader of the Stalinist Spousal relationship of Soviet Architects
, arranged a "unanimous indignation" past its Moscow cell, and expelled Shchusev from the Matrimony.[113] Dmitry Chechulin, Shchusev'southward trusted deputy at the workshop, joined the "purge frenzy",[109] along with many of his one-time associates. By the finish of September, Shchusev had been dismissed from all his managerial positions; his chair of the 2nd State Workshop passed to Chechulin.[114] [111] [115] The new dominate immediately fired those who sympathized with Shchusev, and distributed his ongoing projects to other administration.[114] Very few people, notably Eugene Lanceray and Viktor Vesnin, dared to defend Shchusev in public.[114] The magazines released in Oct reviewed Shchusev'south IMEL building favorably simply did not mention the architect's name.[116]According to Hugh Hudson and Karl Schlögel, the assail on Shchusev was orchestrated by Alabyan in an attempt to subdue contained professionals who stood in the way of the Union of Soviet Architects.[109] [117] The campaign killed lesser known urbanists Solomon Lisagor
and Mikhail Okhitovich; but, according to Schlögel, its truthful target was the older generation of established architects, such as Shchusev.[117] Marker Meerovich agrees with the motive, simply does not name Alabyan, or whatever item person.[108] According to Dmitry Chmelnizki, neither the people behind the attack, nor their motives can be established with any certainty.[107] I possible pretext, mentioned in Nikita Khrushchev's memoirs, was Shchusev's public pity for the recently executed Iona Yakir.[107] [h] [118] Khrushchev wrote that "all this was reported to Stalin, just Stalin restrained himself and made no move against Shchusev".[118] [119] Alternatively, the persecution could have been provoked by Shchusev'south conflict with Vyacheslav Molotov in June 1937.[111] [120]Shchusev disappeared from public and, according to his assistant Irina Sinyova, locked himself in his study in Moscow.[121] The state fabricated no attempt to prosecute him; according to Chmelnizki, the more than established architects were usually exempt from the reign of terror that ravaged all levels of Soviet society.[122] A few months later, the president of the University of Sciences Vladimir Komarov quietly awarded Shchusev the contract for the design of the academy headquarters, with sufficient funding to relaunch his design workshop.[116] [123] According to Sinyova, Komarov acted with the prior consent of the Council of People's Commissars.[123] The authorities did not denounce the charges made against Shchusev, merely tacitly agreed to requite him a 2nd chance.[123] The smear campaign istantly waned.[116] In July 1938, Schusev'south new workshop was reorganized every bit the Akademproekt Found, a state-owned business firm nominally charged with the design of various academy projects.[116] In the ten years that followed, Shchusev designed diverse academy constitute buildings in Moscow and the building of the Kazakhstan Academy of Sciences in Almaty. Withal, the designs for the main edifice of the academy, which Shchusev worked on until his death, remained a fruitless practice in visionary compages.[124]
The Akademproekt was the creation of Lavrentiy Beria, Shchusev's former client in the Caucasus.[125] Dmitry Chmelnizki speculates that in the autumn of 1937 Shchusev fled Moscow for the Caucasus[i] to appeal directly to Beria, and that Beria indeed helped the architect with the academy contract.[125] When Beria was appointed the chief of the NKVD, the Akademproekt became the NKVD's in-business firm design firm and received contracts for the expansion of the Lubyanka Edifice and the Lenin Mausoleum.[126] After World War II, Beria left the NKVD to supervise the Soviet atomic flop project, and the Akademproekt concentrated on top-secret enquiry facilities such as the futurity Kurchatov Institute.[127] The connection between Beria and Shchusev was rumoured for decades. While Dmitry Chmelnizki takes information technology for granted, biographer Alexander Vaskin
disagrees. Co-ordinate to Vaskin, the hypothesis is "interesting" and "plausible"; merely in that location is very footling directly bear witness.[128] The but certain fact is that Shchusev was a frequent guest at Beria's residence .[128]Wartime and post-war projects (1941–1949) [edit]
Shortly after the first of Operation Barbarossa, Anastas Mikoyan summoned Shchusev to fortify the Lenin Mausoleum confronting German airstrikes.[129] Shchusev decided that the job was technically impossible, and Lenin's torso was evacuated to Siberia
.[129] Little is known almost Shchusev's other emergency assignments until the erection of the temporary war trophy pavilion in Gorky Park (1941–1942).[127] The "unexpectedly constructive" wooden construction strangely combined expressiveness with mandatory monumentality.[127]In September 1942,[k] Shchusev, Lanceray, and their assistants came to Istra, a minor war-torn town situated between Moscow and the Rzhev salient.[130] [fifty] A few months afterward Shchusev proposed to rebuild Istra into an exclusive winter skiing resort.[130] The new urban center hall, designed by Lanceray, looked suspiciously like to Stockholm City Hall, at approximately the same size but with a Naryshkin Bizarre exterior.[130] [131] The city hall was surrounded by wildly decorated hotels and outlying wooden tourist lodges with luxurious interiors.[130] The purpose of this fantastic, improbable, yet highly publicized proposal remains unexplained.[132] According to Chmelnizki, it could take been a study for a closed city, probably related to the military intelligence facilities near Istra.[132] The city hall was a fantasy meant to deceive, but diverse lesser, depression-cost buildings were not, and several were actually built near the New Jerusalem Monastery.[131]
In 1943–1948, Shchusev worked on projects for restoring Stalingrad, Veliky Novgorod, Chișinău, Tuapse, and Khreshchatyk Street in Kyiv.[133] These projects were planned not at Akademproekt but at a special country-owned workshop for urban redevelopment.[134] The Akademproekt, expanded through the hire of Shchusev's former associates, was overloaded with ongoing projects and new defense contracts.[135] The former included expansion of the Lenin Mausoleum, the new Lubyanka Building styled after the Palazzo della Cancelleria in Rome, and Academy of Sciences projects in Moscow, Moscow Oblast, and Almaty,[135] which were standard, unremarkable Stalinist edifices with perfectly symmetrical floorplans and fundamental porticos.[124] In 1947, when the regime announced plans to construct a series of skyscrapers in Moscow, Shchusev applied for the contract to design the future Hotel Ukraina, but lost to the team of Arkady Mordvinov and Vyacheslav Oltarzhevsky.[124]
Shchusev's final major piece of work was the Komsomolskaya–Koltsevaya metro station, which was conceived by Shchusev in 1945, fully designed past Alisa Zabolotnaya and Viktor Kokorin
in 1949, and built in 1949–1951.[136] The base construction, using then novel all-steel construction, provided for an exceptionally spacious interior.[137] The main Baroque motif echoes the ornamentation of the Kazansky concluding, which was in turn based on the 17th century church of the Hodegetria in Rostov.[138] The design earned Shchusev his quaternary Stalin Prize, awarded posthumously in 1952.[124] Subsequently, strange and Soviet authors alike criticized the "floridly overdone"[139] design for its excessive and obtrusive historicism, which, according to Ikonnikov, was inappropriate for a busy transport hub.[138] [139]In May 1949, Shchusev suffered a heart assault[140] during a cursory business organization trip to Kyiv.[141] [142] He decided to return to Moscow, and a few days later on died in a hospital.[141] [142]
Official accolades and subsequent reassessment [edit]
In the final decade of his life, Shchusev designed and built very few memorable buildings. However, in the aforementioned period he amassed an exceptional number of state awards, including four Stalin Prizes: for the IMEL building (1940), the expansion of the Lenin Mausoleum (1946), the Navoi Theater in Tashkent (1948), and the Komsomolskaya-Koltsevaya station (1952, posthumously). According to Chmelnizki, these awards were not indicative of Shchusev'southward own achievements. Rather, they reflected the influence of Shchusev's ultimate employers – the NKVD in 1938–1946 and the MGB in 1946–1948. The minions of these, the most influential entities of Stalin'due south authorities, quite naturally reaped the well-nigh Stalin Prizes in technology and architecture. The awards did not make Shchusev invulnerable to unpredictable twists of Stalinist politics.[141] In 1948, when a new smear campaign was directed at Karo Alabyan, Boris Iofan, and Ivan Zholtovsky, Shchusev was not targeted directly; just he withal temporarily lost his command over the Akademproekt.[141] He had to appeal directly to Stalin to take information technology restored.[141]
Posthumously, the country awarded Shchusev unprecedented honours.[143] A brief propaganda entrada alleged him the most valuable and talented of all Soviet architects, elevating him to the same level that Vladimir Mayakovsky held in poetry.[144] His religious and modernist heritage was forgotten; instead, the critics emphasized Shchusev's active aversion to "cosmopolitanism" and his contribution to the cosmos of "socialist realism in architecture".[144] Despite all accolades, Shchusev ultimately failed to adapt to the rules of totalitarian compages.[115] Although he publicly declared that "The State wants splendor!" (Russian: Государство требует пышности!), he still valued functionality and freedom of composition above exterior decorations.[115] He tending with his trademark disproportion simply never mastered the new visual lawmaking of "superhuman monumentality". Very soon, he lost out to the younger generation of architects, who willfully and sincerely embraced totalitarianism.[115] Co-ordinate to Chmelnizky, Shchusev performed in Stalinist compages equally brilliantly as he did in Art Nouveau and Constructivism; but this fourth dimension the superlatives had zilch to practise with art. Rather, they marked "the highest caste of compliance with the requirements of censorship", including Shchusev occasionally acting every bit a censor himself.[two]
Public activities and controversies [edit]
Piece of work style and ethics [edit]
In the early 1900s, Shchusev rapidly progressed from the office of an individual contractor to that of a charismatic leader of a big professional firm.[115] A skilled draftsman in ink and watercolors, he created his own recognizable drawings himself until around 1914.[115] While working on the Kazansky terminal, he reduced his involvement to quick sketches, which were then distributed to his assistants for proper drawing.[115] Almost all ink drawings and watercolours published by Shchusev in the 1920s–1940s under his own name were created by others.[115] Shchusev valued fine draftsmanship; a few well executed watercolors could guarantee an applicant a place in Shchusev's firm.[145] This was, for case, the case with Mikhail Posokhin
, who was hired in 1935 and by 1946 had become the leader of his own design institute.[145] Still, most of Shchusev's staff stayed with the business firm for decades.[146] Some long-term associates, particularly Eugene Lanceray and Isidor Frantsuz, are well known to art collectors, and their works are usually easily identifiable.[115] Others worked exclusively for the firm and remained unknown; their authorship cannot be reliably ascertained.[115]The dorsum-and-forth, iterative cycle of sketching and drafting immune Shchusev to explore many alternatives simultaneously, and to keep on improving the design during construction. His completed buildings invariably deviate from the originally canonical draft.[147] Shchusev considered himself a builder, rather than a designer, and never hesitated to alter the blueprint, whether from his own or the client's desires.[147] He was every bit at home dealing with Orthodox bishops, railway executives, and Bolshevik leaders.[27] An often quoted shchusevism asserts that "If I could negotiate with the priests, I would somehow do it with the Bolsheviks" (Russian: Если я умел договариваться с попами, то с большевиками я как-нибудь договорюсь).[115] The Bolsheviks, in return, appreciated Shchusev'south willingness to adapt. Lazar Kaganovich privately wrote that Shchusev, "a businesslike and pragmatic eclecticist", was more valuable to the regime than the earnest, stubborn neoclassicist Ivan Zholtovsky.[148]
The charges of plagiarism and running a "creative sweatshop" that were raised in 1937 were, for the most part, justified.[149] Shchusev's workplace ethics were not much different from those of other Soviet architectural bosses, only his treatment of assistants was particularly controversial.[149] Nikifor Tamonkin (1881–1951), one of his closest associates for almost forty years, and a competent architect in his own right,[m] described Shchusev equally an unforgiving, disrespectful, ruthless exploiter of "lesser people".[151] [n] "He had aught tolerance to his assistants, peculiarly to me. Due to my peasant roots and sketchy instruction, he looked at me like an American or an Englishman looks at а "lacking" native. This was the most conspicuous and substantial side of his personality."[150] According to Tamonkin, Shchusev treated his married woman, children, and his junior brother Pavel but every bit harshly: in his bipolar world of "important" and "unimportant" people, the family unit belonged to the 2d class.[150]
Political advocacy [edit]
At the same time, Shchusev often acted as the advocate for the "lesser people" wrongfully persecuted by the communist authorities.[153] He was quite constructive in this role, owing to his business skill and his first-mitt knowledge of the communist leaders, the NKVD chiefs in detail.[153] The NKVD wasn't deaf to voices of the professional elite, and often heeded their pleas—even moreso when the advocate was the builder of the Lenin Mausoleum.[153] Prior to 1937, Shchusev never hesitated to employ the mausoleum every bit his trump card; although, later on 1937, according to Vaskin, that argument lost its former effectiveness.[154]
The record of Shchusev's advocacy begins with the arrest of Nesterov in 1924; a few days later on, Nesterov was released and the charges against him dropped.[155] In 1925, Shchusev appealed for the release of muralist Vladimir Komarovsky
.[156] When the initial appeal failed, Shchusev arranged a joint petition with fellow artists. In the same year, Shchusev defended painter Vladimir Golitsyn and art historian Yury Olsufyev .[157] All iii were scions of princely families, and thus piece of cake targets of the Reddish Terror.[158] Even so, Komarovsky and Olsufyev were killed in December 1937 and March 1938, respectively, when Shchusev himself was expecting abort; Golitsyn perished during World State of war Ii.[158] Likewise, Shchusev failed to assistance Nesterov's son-in-constabulary Victor Schroeter just eventually secured the release of Nesterov's daughter Olga.[155] In 1943, Shchusev, Igor Grabar, Boris Asafyev, and Victor Vesnin jointly appealed to Beria for the release of painter Pyotr Neradovsky and managed to extricate him from exile.[159] In 1948, Shchusev and Grabar arranged the release of fine art historian Nikolai Sychov.[159]Urban planning and preservation [edit]
Shchusev'due south conservative views on city planning and redevelopment were influenced by his experiences in Ukraine, Bessarabia, and Italy, where he had learnt the art of accommodation to historical environments.[160] His arroyo to reconciling by and present was like to that of the younger generation of Italian urbanists, particularly Marcello Piacentini.[160] The two architects had known each other since the 1911 Rome Exhibition and developed a keen interest in each other'southward works; Piacentini would refer to Shchusev's compages until the 1950s.[160]
In 1918, Shchusev and Ivan Zholtovsky assumed control of the New Moscow redevelopment plan sponsored by the communist urban center council. The planning team emerged as an extension of Zholtovsky'southward workshop; but by 1922 Shchusev, every bit the chairman of the Moscow Architectural Society, became the sole leader of the project.[58] [161] Although his staff was composed of modernist architects, from the Vesnin brothers to the Vkhutemas freshmen, the result was thoroughly conservative, with large territorial expansion into moderately dense suburbs and fiddling intrusion into the old city.[162] [163] [161] Shchusev proposed relocating the national administrative eye northwest, to the Khodynka Field, thus relieving the city cadre from the rapidly increaing congestion.[161] Most of the urban center within the Garden Band would remain intact, with carefully placed "rays" of boulevards and parks extending from the Kremlin to the suburbs.[161] Shchusev consistently rejected large-scale, all-or-nil redevelopment ideas, and preferred continuing to build off of the existing urban center.[164] He ofttimes clashed with the city regime, arguing against the sabotage of historic buildings. By the cease of 1925, his preservationist stance had come up into disfavour with the regime, which replaced him with the far more acquiescent Sergey Shestakov
.[165] Shchusev's main plan was duly approved and and so retired to the archives.[165]When they didn't threaten celebrated buildings, Shchusev used the latest ideas of European and American planners. He liked the idea of standalone high-ascension buildings, as advocated by Le Corbusier and Walter Gropius, but considered them too expensive for the Soviet economy and as well hazardous for the existing level of applied science.[166] Although in 1924 he declared himself anti-Americanist, past 1929 he had changed his heed.[167] This is evident from his patronage of the Russian edition of Richard Neutra's Wie Baut Amerika? (How Does America Build?).[167] Shchusev withal deplored the fact that the Americans were replacing art with engineering science, and warned against blind faux of their business practices.[167] At the same fourth dimension, he commended American technology and zoning as the instruments of mitigating the agin effects of loftier-rise structure.[167] His views were evolving, until the 1934 publication of the Architectural organisation of the urban center. By this fourth dimension political pressure level had put an end to independent theorizing.[167]
Museum management [edit]
The 1920s were non as productive for Shchusev as they were for Konstantin Melnikov or the Vesnin brothers. Frequent merely fruitless competitions that led to infrequent tangible jobs left Shchusev plenty complimentary time to, in 1926, accept an offering to manage the nationalized Tretyakov Gallery.[168] During his short tenure at the gallery, he installed electrical wiring and new heating and ventilation in the quondam main edifice, which he extended to the due north.[169] The "Shchusev fly", completed in 1936, became his concluding project in the Russian Revival style.[170] Shchusev enjoyed working full-fourth dimension as a museum curator, arranging exhibitions, enforcing catalog procedures, and press postcards.[171] Nevertheless, the Commissar for Education Anatoly Lunacharsky had different plans, and at the beginning of 1929 replaced Shchusev with Mikhail Christy
, a purely political appointee.[172]In the summer of 1945, Shchusev began candidature for the institution of a museum of Russian national compages. He personally picked the old Talyzin House
, and then occupied by the NKVD, and used his connections within that organization to complimentary it for the museum.[173] Under Shchusev'southward management the museum became a refuge for Jews unemployed due to the anti-cosmopolitan campaign, such as David Arkin , Abram Efros , and Alexander Gabrichevsky .[174] [o] The Baldin Collection of German art was secretly deposited in the museum, with Shchusev'southward consent, in 1948.[176] However, the main purpose of the museum, as envisaged by Shchusev himself, was the recording and archiving of Russian heritage that had been destroyed or damaged during the war.[177]Notes [edit]
- ^ Besides spelled Schusev (the preferred English language-linguistic communication spelling by the Shchusev Museum of Architecture), German: Ščusev (academic spelling), German: Schtschussew, French: Chtchoussev, Polish: Szchusiew.[1]
- ^ All four brothers, and their half-sis from the begetter'southward first marriage, received complete university-level educations, despite coming from minor means.[six]
- ^ The northern apse of the Trinity cathedral, shaped like a fortress tower, is distinctly taller than the others[33]
- ^ All sources regarding this episode ultimately trace to Shchusev's own account published in the Soviet Union in 1937.[62]
- ^ Porphyry was used only for the black "waistline" into which the contrasting letters ΛЕНИН (LENIN) are inlaid. The rest of the construction is dressed in granite.[73]
- ^ The front correct corner of the mausoleum has a recessed niche, which is absent-minded from the forepart left corner. The architect reasoned that visitors, approaching the entrance from the right, should non confront a sharp massive corner. Thus, he removed the latter when the construction was largely complete.[55]
- ^ The decisions were formally announced through Moscow urban center hall
- ^ Yakir, like Shchusev, was born and raised in Chișinău. Shchusev was well familiar with Yakir's uncle, a respected local physician.[111]
- ^ By this time, Shchusev has developed diabetes mellitus and asthma. Regardless of the mobbing entrada, he enjoyed living in the South which gave him temporary physical relief.[125]
- ^ This is 1 of many drawings signed past Shchusev (signature cropped out in this scan just well visible in the book) just reliably attributed to Lanceray.[115]
- ^ Shchusev's arrival at Istra coincided with the farthest accelerate of the Case Blue offensive and the early stages of the Boxing of Stalingrad.
- ^ The Germans evacuated the Rzhev Salient in May 1943. Fifty-fifty and so, the frontline passed within less than 300 kilometres (190 mi) from Moscow, and around 250 kilometres (160 mi) from Istra. The Crimson Army had won effectually one hundred kilometres more in the Smolensk offensives in August–Oct 1943, and then the frontline stabilized until the summer of 1944.
- ^ During his tenure with Shchusev, Tamonkin was officially credited as the lead architect of at to the lowest degree ii Academy of Sciences buildings in Moscow.[150]
- ^ Vaskin quotes lengthy passages from Tamonkin's memoirs, written afterward Shchusev's death in 1950. The uncensored manuscript had never been intended for impress. After Shchusev's death it was deposited at the Shchusev Museum of Compages and is currently available to researchers.[152]
- ^ This was an indirect consequence of state payroll policies. The officially-set museum salaries were and then meagre that they could but attract social outcasts.[175]
Citations [edit]
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, p. four.
- ^ a b Chmelnizki 2021, p. 78.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 6.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 37.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 38, 41, 53.
- ^ a b Afanasyev 1978, p. 7.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 8.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 54.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 9.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. lxx.
- ^ a b c Afanasyev 1978, p. 12.
- ^ a b c Afanasyev 1978, p. 11.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 86–87.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 82–85.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 87.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 89.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. ninety.
- ^ a b Afanasyev 1978, p. thirteen.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 93–104.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 14.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 104–110.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, pp. 14–16.
- ^ a b c d e Chmelnizki 2021, p. 12.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 110–114.
- ^ a b Vaskin 2015, pp. 340–341.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 338–339.
- ^ a b c d due east Chmelnizki 2021, p. 14.
- ^ a b Chmelnizki 2021, p. 17.
- ^ a b Vaskin 2015, pp. 114–115.
- ^ a b c Afanasyev 1978, pp. 18–21.
- ^ a b Afanasyev 1978, pp. 21–22.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, p. 13: The cathedral was non equally tall as the nearby Dormition Cathedral. However, its floorplan of 36 past 24 metres (118 by 79 ft) was very large for an Orthodox church.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 22.
- ^ a b c Ikonnikov 1990, p. 351.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, pp. 27–28.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 23.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 14–15.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, p. 15.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 27, 28, 35.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, pp. 28–30.
- ^ "Russian federation'due south Not bad Architect, Shchusev". USSR Information Bulletin. Diplomatic mission of the Soviet Union to the United States. eight (22). 1948.
- ^ Ikonnikov 1990, pp. 340–341.
- ^ Ikonnikov 1990, p. 347.
- ^ a b Ikonnikov 1990, p. 353.
- ^ a b Afanasyev 1978, p. 40.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 45.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 43.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 44.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, pp. 44, 70.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 95.
- ^ a b c Afanasyev 1978, p. 42.
- ^ a b c d Chmelnizki 2021, p. 29.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 47.
- ^ a b c Afanasyev 1978, p. 49.
- ^ a b c Khan-Magomedov 1972, p. 104.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 180.
- ^ Colton 1995, p. 216.
- ^ a b Colton 1995, p. 225.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, pp. 85.
- ^ a b Khan-Magomedov 1972, pp. 61–62.
- ^ Khan-Magomedov 1972, p. 41.
- ^ a b Afanasyev 1978, p. 99.
- ^ a b Chmelnizki 2021, p. 25.
- ^ Khan-Magomedov 1972, p. 44.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 92.
- ^ Khan-Magomedov 1972, pp. 47–48.
- ^ a b c Khan-Magomedov 1972, p. 91.
- ^ a b Khan-Magomedov 1972, pp. 93–94.
- ^ a b c Chmelnizki 2021, p. 26.
- ^ Khan-Magomedov 1972, pp. 92–93, 106.
- ^ a b Vaskin, A. (2013). "Как Мавзолей Красную площадь спас" [How the Mausoleum saved the Cherry Square]. Историк (May 13).
- ^ Khan-Magomedov 1972, p. 105.
- ^ a b c Khan-Magomedov 1972, p. 110.
- ^ Khan-Magomedov 1972, pp. 99–104.
- ^ Khan-Magomedov 1972, pp. 111–112.
- ^ a b Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 26–27.
- ^ Khan-Magomedov 1972, pp. 121–122.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 106.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, pp. lxxx–81.
- ^ a b Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 29–32.
- ^ a b c d e Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 33–37.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 36–37.
- ^ Bylinkin, N. P. (1985). История советской архитектуры (1917-1954) [The history of the Soviet architecture 1917-1954]. Стройиздат. p. xi.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 337.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 150–151.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 37, 151.
- ^ a b c d Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 37–38.
- ^ a b Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 38–39.
- ^ a b c d Chmelnizki 2021, pp. forty–42.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, p. 50.
- ^ a b Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 43, 45.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 45, 47–52.
- ^ Zubovich 2020, p. 35.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, p. 51 cites Stalin's letter of 07 Baronial 1932 addressed to Kaganovich, Molotov and Voroshilov, published in 1999..
- ^ a b c d Chmelnizki 2021, p. threescore.
- ^ a b Vaskin 2015, pp. 284–285.
- ^ a b c d e Chmelnizki 2021, p. 55.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, p. 56.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, p. 57.
- ^ a b c Chmelnizki 2021, p. 58.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, p. 111.
- ^ a b Рогачев, Алексей; Простаков, Сергей (20 June 2014). "Тайна асимметрии гостиницы "Москва"" [The mystery of the asymmetry of the hotel "Moscow"]. Russian Planet (in Russian). Archived from the original on x January 2022. Retrieved 3 April 2022.
- ^ a b c Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 60–61.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2007, p. 198.
- ^ a b c d Chmelnizki 2021, p. 61.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 374, cites the 1940 book by Shchusev on the IMEL.
- ^ a b c Chmelnizki 2021, p. 62.
- ^ a b c Meerovich, Yard. (2015). ""Жизнь и деятельность архитектора Щусева"" [The life and deeds of architect Shchusev]. Archi.ru (in Russian) (July 30).
- ^ a b c d Hudson 2015, p. 198.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 309–315.
- ^ a b c d Chmelnizki 2021, p. 63.
- ^ Hudson 2015, p. 199.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 319–323.
- ^ a b c Vaskin 2015, pp. 326–327.
- ^ a b c d e f one thousand h i j grand 50 Chmelnizki, D. (20 January 2020). "Загадки Щусева". archi.ru.
- ^ a b c d Chmelnizki 2021, p. 64.
- ^ a b Schlögel 2014, "while the blow cruel on Okhitovich...".
- ^ a b Vaskin 2015, p. 290.
- ^ Khruschev, Nikita (2004). Memoirs of Nikita Khrushchev: Commissar, 1918-1945, Volume ane. Penn State Printing. p. 111. ISBN9780271023328.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 307–308.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 327–329.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2007, p. 170.
- ^ a b c Vaskin 2015, p. 330.
- ^ a b c d Chmelnizki 2021, p. 72.
- ^ a b c Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 64–65.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, p. 65.
- ^ a b c Chmelnizki 2021, p. 66.
- ^ a b Vaskin 2015, pp. 331–332.
- ^ a b Voronin, Anatoly (14 December 2019). Москва, 1941 [Moscow 1941] (in Russian). Комендант Мавзолея Кирюшин...: Litres. ISBN9785042208768.
- ^ a b c d Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 67–68.
- ^ a b Chmelnizki 2021, p. 70.
- ^ a b Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 68–69.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 70–71.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, p. 71.
- ^ a b Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 65, seventy–72.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, pp. 72–73, 155.
- ^ Ikonnikov 1990, p. 363.
- ^ a b Ikonnikov 1990, p. 365.
- ^ a b Colton 1995, p. 327.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 434.
- ^ a b c d e Chmelnizki 2021, p. 74.
- ^ a b Afanasyev 1978, pp. 175, 177.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2021, p. 74–75.
- ^ a b Chmelnizki 2021, p. 75.
- ^ a b Zubovich 2020, p. 113.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 397.
- ^ a b Afanasyev 1978, p. 54.
- ^ Chmelnizki 2007, p. 208, cites a 1943 letter by Kaganovich to his daughter, published in 1996..
- ^ a b Vaskin 2015, p. 325.
- ^ a b c Vaskin 2015, p. 398.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 398–402.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 402.
- ^ a b c Vaskin 2015, pp. 422–423.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 429.
- ^ a b Vaskin 2015, pp. 331, 347, 423.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 423–424.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 424–426.
- ^ a b Vaskin 2015, pp. 423–426.
- ^ a b Vaskin 2015, p. 426.
- ^ a b c Vyazemtseva, A. (2019). "The Transformation of Rome and the Masterplan to Reconstruct Moscow". Townscapes in Transition: Transformation and Reorganization of Italian Cities and Their Architecture in the Interwar Period. p. 116. ISBN9783839446607.
- ^ a b c d Ovsyannikova, Ye.; Vasilyev, N. (2019). "«Новая Москва» Щусева и историческая застройка ['New Moscow': Shchusev and the historical environs]". История архитектуры Москвы. Конец XIX века — первая половина 1930-х годов [History of the architecture of Moscow. Cease of 19th century to the showtime one-half of the 19302] (in Russian). Tatlin. ISBN9785000752029.
- ^ Colton 1995, pp. 225–227.
- ^ Afanasyev 1978, pp. sixty–61.
- ^ Sokolov 1975, p. 154.
- ^ a b Colton 1995, pp. 228–230.
- ^ Sokolov 1975, p. 177.
- ^ a b c d e Cohen 2021, p. 223.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 260.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 261.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 262–263.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 261–266.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 266.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 419–420.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 418–421.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 427–417.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, pp. 421–422.
- ^ Vaskin 2015, p. 420.
References [edit]
In English [edit]
- Cohen, J.-50. (2021). Building a new New World: Amerikanizm in Russian Architecture. Yale University Press. ISBN9780300248159.
- Colton, T. (1995). Moscow: Governing the Socialist Metropolis. Harvard University Printing. ISBN9780674587496.
- Chmelnizki, D. (2021). Alexey Shchusev. Architect of Stalin'southward Empire Style. DOM publishers, Berlin. ISBN9783869224749.
- Hudson, H. (2015). Blueprints and Blood: The Stalinization of Soviet Architecture, 1917-1937. Princeton Academy Press. ISBN9781400872824.
- Schlögel, K. (2014). Moscow, 1937. Wiley. ISBN9780745683621.
- Zubovich, K. (2020). Moscow Monumental: Soviet Skyscrapers and Urban Life in Stalin's Capital. Princeton University Press. ISBN9780691205298.
In Russian [edit]
- Afanasyev, Grand. (1978). А. В. Щусев [A. Five. Shchusev] (in Russian). Стройиздат.
- Chmelnizki, D. (2007). Архитектура Сталина [Stalin's Architecture] (in Russian). Прогресс-Традиция. ISBN978-5898262716. Notation: The 2007 hardcopy Russian edition cites an invalid ISBN-10. Here, the valid code is referenced to the 2013 reprint
- Ikonnikov, A. (1990). Тысяча лет русской архитектуры [One thousand years of Russian architecture]. Iskusstvo.
- Khan-Magomedov, S. (1972). Мавзолей Ленина [Lenin'due south Mausoleum] (in Russian). Просвещение.
- Sokolov, Northward. (1975). "А. В. Щусев" [A. 5. Shchusev]. Мастера советской архитектуры об архитектуре, том i [Leading Soviet architects on architecture] (in Russian). Iskusstvo. pp. 150–156.
- Vaskin, A. (2015). Щусев: Зодчий всея Руси [Shchusev: The builder of All Russian federation]. Молодая гвардия. ISBN9785235038073.
External links [edit]
- Media related to Alexey Shchusev at Wikimedia Eatables
- Alexey Shchusev's Constructivist Narkomzem building at galinsky.com
- Shchusev Museum of Architecture official website.
Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexey_Shchusev
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